Former IRA members in 'deadly' new terror group

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Former IRA members in 'deadly' new terror group
John Mooney
10 July 2011
The Sunday Times

SECURITY services in Northern Ireland suspect that former members of the Provisional IRA have set up a terrorist organisation funded by a global smuggling operation.

The paramilitaries, said to number about 150, include gunmen and bombmakers, but senior police officers say there may be hundreds more sympathisers providing support. The group, which is centred on former IRA members from West Belfast and mid-Ulster, is believed to pose a serious threat. To avoid infiltration by spies, it is understood to be handpicking terrorists who have already carried out attacks or proven their credentials.

The Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) and MI5, the British intelligence service, have dedicated extra resources to fighting the fledgling group's activities. It is believed to be reconnoitering targets, intelligence gathering and importing weapons, and it is feared it has the potential to become more dangerous than the Real IRA, the Continuity IRA or Oglaigh na hEireann.

There has been an upsurge in republican terrorism. In April, republican dissidents murdered Ronan Kerr, a Catholic member of the PSNI, by planting a bomb under his car in Omagh, Co Tyrone.

MI5 is trying to recruit informants to provide details on the group's activities and members. Peter McCaughey, a republican activist from Dungannon in Co Tyrone, was approached last month by the British security service during a visit to Dubai.

"I know a lot of republicans and what they do is their own business. I don't ask them. I hear rumours about a new IRA but it has nothing to do with me," he said, adding that he does not support any republican paramilitary group or endorse violence.

McCaughey, whose brother Martin, 23, was shot dead in 1990 by the SAS at a remote farmhouse near Loughgall, Co Armagh, was approached by two MI5 agents in the lobby of a Dubai hotel last month.

He said the agents promised to prevent the British Serious Organised Crime Agency (SOCA) from proceeding with an investigation into his wealth if he agreed to work as a spy. He refused and was last week notified that he was under investigation by SOCA.

McCaughey said after the approach he flew back to Ireland via Birmingham where he was stopped for questioning by immigration officers, who took him to a room where he was confronted by MI5. His solicitor is to lodge a complaint to the Investigatory Powers Tribunal, a British body which oversees the intelligence services.

At least two republican hardliners with links to the new group have been targeted in similar operations by the British security services.

Garda headquarters are also monitoring activities south of the border. "This faction have put out feelers everywhere. They are not interested in the other dissident groups.

"Their modus operandi is best described as one which involves smoke and mirrors. They have carried out operations in places like Tyrone, with the express intention of making it look like the work of another paramilitary outfit," said one garda source.
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FINUCANE FAMILY URGE INQUIRY AMID GOVERNMENT TALKS

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FINUCANE FAMILY URGE INQUIRY AMID GOVERNMENT TALKS
DETAILS OF FINUCANE CASE LEAKED OVER YEARS
FINUCANE CASE BECAME TOUCHSTONE FOR COLLUSION CLAIMS
Steven McCaffery, Press Association
11 January 2011
Press Association National Newswire



The family of murdered solicitor Pat Finucane have repeated their call for a fully independent inquiry into the case after it was confirmed they are in talks with the Government.

Northern Ireland Secretary Owen Paterson said he had extended a consultation on the case by two months to facilitate the discussions, but the surprise announcement followed years of deadlock over one of the most controversial killings of the Northern Ireland Troubles.

The Army, police and intelligence service have been implicated in the 1989 murder, which was carried out by loyalist paramilitaries who doubled as security force agents.

The Finucane family rejected efforts by the previous Labour government to conduct an investigation under the 2005 Inquiries Act and claimed it gave ministers undue influence over the outcome.

Mr Paterson had declared an interest in resolving the Finucane case, but while many observers believed the new Government would opt to draw a line under the issue, details have now emerged of efforts to broker an inquiry acceptable to both sides.

In separate statements the Secretary of State said there had been "useful" discussions, while solicitors for the Finucane family confirmed there had been "constructive" dialogue, but both signalled that an agreed way forward had not yet been reached.

Mr Paterson said: "In my written statement of November 11, I set out a period of two months during which I would receive representations as to whether it is in the public interest that I should establish a public inquiry into the death of Patrick Finucane.

"As part of this process, my officials have had a constructive meeting with representatives of the Finucane family and a further meeting will be arranged.

"In light of the fact that useful discussions are under way between the family and the Government, I have decided, with the agreement of the family, to extend the period during which I will receive representations by two months."

Mr Paterson said he will then consider if it is in the public interest to hold an inquiry into Mr Finucane's murder.

Sections of the security forces and loyalist paramilitaries had labelled the Catholic solicitor an IRA member. The allegation has been denied by the Finucane family, who have said the police and Army wrongly associated the lawyer with the alleged crimes of his clients.

In a statement the family's lawyers, Madden & Finucane, said further discussions were needed if their goal of an independent inquiry was to be reached.

"The Finucane family have campaigned for 21 years for a public inquiry into the circumstances surrounding the murder of Pat," they said.

"The essence of a proper inquiry is independence.

"The family's legal team, led by Peter Madden of Madden & Finucane, met with the NIO (Northern Ireland Office) legal team in London in April last year and the discussions then were worthwhile.

"However, due to the pending general election at that time, a further meeting was postponed.

"The Madden & Finucane legal team met the Secretary of State's advisers last Thursday, January 6, and again the discussions were constructive."

Mr Madden, a former friend and colleague of the murdered solicitor, said: "Although these were constructive and useful meetings, the fact remains that the independence of a tribunal is fundamental.

"It is hoped that the family's concerns will be addressed and that a mechanism will be established which would result in a public judicial inquiry fully independent, which will have the support of the Finucane family, and all those who have supported the family in their long campaign."

Members of the loyalist Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF), a cover name for the Ulster Defence Association (UDA), shot the solicitor 14 times in front of his wife and three children as they ate dinner at their north Belfast home in February 1989.

But security forces are accused of inciting the killers and using agents to carry out the murder, before covering their tracks.

Sinn Fein said government made a commitment in 2004 to hold an inquiry and said the family deserved "truth and justice". But the DUP objected to what they said could be a replay of the costly Saville Inquiry into the British Army's Bloody Sunday shootings in Londonderry.
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DETAILS OF FINUCANE CASE LEAKED OVER YEARS

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DETAILS OF FINUCANE CASE LEAKED OVER YEARS
Steven McCaffery, Press Association
11 January 2011
Press Association National Newswire


No other case from the decades of violence in Northern Ireland has caused the level of controversy sparked by the murder of solicitor Pat Finucane.

The State is implicated in planning the 1989 killing, carrying it out and covering it up ever since.

But over the years, more and more damaging details have leaked out:

:: In the mid 1980s as John Stalker, former deputy chief constable of Greater Manchester Police, probed allegations of a Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) "shoot-to-kill" policy against republican suspects, he said he was reprimanded by an RUC sergeant for speaking to Mr Finucane outside a court. Mr Stalker was told: "Any man who represents IRA men is worse than an IRA man."

:: In January 1989 Conservative Minister Douglas Hogg told the Commons: "I have to state as a fact, but with great regret, that there are in Northern Ireland a number of solicitors who are unduly sympathetic to the cause of the IRA." He had been briefed by senior RUC officers prior to making the remarks. The SDLP's Seamus Mallon immediately called on Mr Hogg to withdraw the comments, and said: "I have no doubt that there are lawyers walking the streets or driving on the roads of the north of Ireland who have become targets for assassins' bullets as a result of the statement that has been made tonight." Mr Finucane was shot the following month. Lord Stevens, former Metropolitan Police chief who examined the case, subsequently found that the minister had been "compromised".

:: In the years that followed it would emerge that four security force agents were linked to the Finucane killing. But it would take decades of pressure from the Finucane family, human rights groups, the United Nations, plus media probes, before further movement was secured.

:: In 1992 the loyalist paramilitary Ulster Defence Association's (UDA) head of intelligence Brian Nelson stood trial for a catalogue of murders. The former soldier from Belfast's Shankill Road was an army intelligence agent, channelling information to loyalists to help direct their violence. He has also been linked to arms shipments from South Africa to Northern Ireland, with a quantity reaching the hands of loyalist paramilitaries. Nelson was overseen by the army's secret Force Research Unit (FRU). His handlers claimed he helped save innocent lives. And after striking a deal over his conviction, he was never asked to give evidence on his UDA colleagues and served less than six years, before being freed and given a new identity. He died in 2003. As well as providing a photograph of Pat Finucane to the killers, he is said to have driven a gunman to the solicitor's house days before the murder.

:: In 1999 fresh revelations over the Finucane case led to an announcement that the Stevens' team of investigators, who had already carried out two probes into allegations of security force wrongdoing in Northern Ireland, was to return to re-examine the Finucane case. This surprised observers since the government had dismissed earlier UN calls for an investigation by claiming Mr Stevens had already looked at the case during his first two forays into Northern Ireland. But launching his probe, Mr Stevens said: "At no time in Stevens II or the original Stevens I inquiry, did I investigate the murder of Patrick Finucane."

:: In June of the same year the Stevens team charged William Stobie with aiding and abetting in the murder of Mr Finucane. He was a UDA quartermaster and an agent of RUC Special Branch. He said that, before the Finucane murder, he had warned police that gunmen had approached him for weapons and were en route to an attack. In November 2001 the case against Mr Stobie collapsed. He was murdered by loyalists outside his house three weeks later.

:: Claims also emerged that RUC officers had urged so-called UDA "Brigadier" Tommy Lyttle, who was also a Special Branch informant, to use his high-ranking role in the paramilitaries to have Pat Finucane killed.

:: In 2002 the BBC Panorama programme screened footage of UDA member, and police informant, Ken Barrett admitting to killing Mr Finucane. He had confessed to police as early as 1991, but officers at the time claimed their efforts to pursue the matter were blocked by police Special Branch. Barrett claimed he had been encouraged to kill the solicitor by a senior RUC officer. He was handed a life sentence for the murder in 2004, but was freed within three years under the early release scheme for paramilitaries contained in the Good Friday Agreement peace deal of 1998.

:: Wider allegations of security force collusion with paramilitaries became a key political issue. The nationalist SDLP and Sinn Fein pressed the government for action. Embarrassing revelations over the Finucane case from the London-based British-Irish Rights Watch and UN Special rapporteur Param Cumaraswamy were compounded by the loyalist murder in 1999 of Catholic lawyer Rosemary Nelson, a solicitor who had also claimed to have been threatened by police for representing IRA suspects.

:: During political talks on securing power-sharing government between unionists and republicans in Northern Ireland, the British and Irish governments agreed to inquiries into six infamous cases where security force collusion with the killers was alleged. Retired Canadian judge Peter Cory was asked to carry out an initial review of the cases. In April 2004 his devastating report on the Finucane murder was released. He found that security forces knew of three plots to kill Mr Finucane but failed to warn him. The army, RUC Special Branch and MI5 were said to have known of UDA plots in 1981, 1985 and seven weeks before he was murdered in 1989. It was said security forces chose not to warn Mr Finucane for fear of jeopardising the life of their undercover agent, Brian Nelson.

:: December 2010 saw an intriguing reference to the Finucane murder in US diplomatic cables from 2005 released by WikiLeaks. It was claimed that MI5 had offered to disclose files relating to the Finucane killing if the probe was conducted under the 2005 Inquiries Act. Amnesty International said it was of concern that files on the solicitor's murder appeared to exist, but had not yet been made public. The cables said the Irish premier at the time, Taoiseach Bertie Ahern, said "everyone knows the UK was involved" in the Finucane murder. It was also claimed that US diplomats feared "elements of the security-legal establishments" in Britain, outside MI5, were working hard to prevent an inquiry.
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Shooting probe 'not affected by peer quitting'

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10 November 2010
Belfast Telegraph

FOYLE MP Mark Durkan has said the announcement that Lord Carlile is to step down as terror law watchdog will not affect his probe into the murder of a Londonderry man earlier this year.

Lord Carlile, the Liberal Democrat peer, who is a barrister, is to examine allegations by the family of Kieran Doherty that MI5 was involved in his death.

The 31-year-old was a member of the Real IRA and was murdered by the organisation in February. Doherty was found shot dead on a remote laneway outside Derry overlooking the River Foyle.

Lord Carlile met the Doherty family in Derry earlier this month, when he assured them that he would uncover the truth behind the murder.

However, it was announced yesterday that the peer was to step down as the Government's independent adviser on the activities of the security services.

Mr Durkan said he had spoken to Lord Carlile earlier.

The SDLP MP said: "This announcement is in respect of the role that Alex Carlile had as the independent reviewer of terrorism laws in the UK.

"It is not in that capacity that Lord Carlile undertook his recent visit to Derry and his meeting with relatives of Kieran Doherty.

"He has a separate role reviewing national security arrangements in Northern Ireland," added Durkan.

"I understand from talking to Lord Carlile today that that separate role is not affected by this announcement, which was known to be coming, having been signalled publicly and in Parliament some time ago."

Lord Carlile's most high-profile role was his successful defence of Princess Diana's butler, Paul Burrell, against charges that Burrell had stolen some of her estate's belongings.
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Durkan welcomes probe into MI5 link to murder

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3 November 2010
Belfast Telegraph

THE meeting between the family of Kieran Doherty who was murdered by the Real IRA and the Independent Reviewer of the Security Services Lord Carlile to discuss allegations of MI5 involvement has been welcomed by Foyle MP, Mark Durkan.

Mr Durkan accompanied the Doherty family in a meeting with Secretary of State Owen Paterson in September and has raised the concerns over MI5's possible role in the case in the House of Commons.

The offer to Lord Carlile to meet with the family of Kieran Doherty was made by the Foyle MP who has campaigned for an independent investigation into the circumstances surrounding his death. He said: "I welcome the fact that Lord Carlile has taken this act of personal interest, and has travelled to Derry to meet with the family of Kieran Doherty to hear their concerns.

"MI5 still have serious questions to answer over their activities in the final months of Mr Doherty's life.

"Given that Kieran Doherty was subjected to continuing harassment, the family understandably want to know the nature of these activities.

"It is to the credit of the family that in articulating their concerns the issue has attracted this interest from Lord Carlile. However, I don't want to create expectations around this visit or meeting.

"Lord Carlile is an independent reviewer in relation to security matters for the government. He does not have the investigative powers that, for example, the Police Ombudsman in Northern Ireland would have when probing police conduct.

"I wouldn't try to pretend that he was and I wouldn't accept anybody else pretending that he is."

However the murdered man's uncle, Vincent Coyle described the meeting as "full and frank".

He added:
"Lord Carlile assured us that he considered this first meeting as the beginning of his enquiry into Kieran's murder and that although his initial opinion was that it would be concluded in a short period of time, it would now take a while longer.

"We have every confidence that he will conduct a thorough investigation as befitting a man with 40 years experience.

"This is unprecedented in that, as far as we are aware MI5 has never been investigated before, in fact people refused to accept the organisation even existed so with Lord Carlile's help we will at last get to the truth behind Keiran's murder."

Mr Doherty's body was found stripped and bound on the outskirts of the city in February this year.

The 31-year-old was from the Brandywell area and was the father of a two-year-old girl and the Real IRA in a statement claiming responsibility for his death said he was a member of the organisation.
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Continuity IRA left reeling over high-level informer

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Dissident threat - Continuity IRA left reeling over high-level informer

16 October 2010
The Irish News
Barry McCaffrey


The Continuity IRA has been left reeling after a leading member was taken into Garda protective custody after it emerged that he was a high-level informer.

Garda Special Branch officers are understood to have brought the Co Donegal man into a protection scheme after the CIRA suspected him of tipping off the security forces about plans to kill a Catholic police recruit in Co Fermanagh last November.

Dissident chiefs are believed to have launched a hunt for an informer within their ranks after two of its most senior members were arrested and later charged in the well-planned security force ambush. Security sources confirmed that the Ballyshannon man and his family are in protective custody. There is growing speculation that the move may be linked to the discovery of a number of arms dumps in the Republic in recent weeks.

It is understood that the 38-year-old first agreed to begin working for Garda Special Branch while he was awaiting trial on serious fraud charges last year.  When he appeared in court he admitted charges of defrauding a finance company over hire purchase agreements.  However, the case was unexpectedly adjourned to allow him to repay the money.

Dissident sources last night said that the man came under suspicion shortly after a security force ambush in Garrison last year.

Irish army reserve soldier Gerard James McManus, from Fern Hill in Letterkenny, was arrested hiding in a shed in the village after a gun battle with undercover police who had been hiding in the home of the Catholic police trainee.  During questioning Mr McManus said he had only opened fire after being shot at by police.  He said that he had aimed his gun away from police and had not intended to kill.

Kevin Barry Nolan (32) from Main Street, Blacklion in Co Cavan, was arrested after undercover police rammed a getaway car he was driving.  The 32-year-old had previously stood as an independent republican candidate in council elections in Co Fermanagh in 2005.

In March it emerged that Tyrone man Martin Kelly had been taken into protective custody in the Republic and had agreed to co-operate with detectives investigating the dissident murder of Strabane man Andrew Burns in 2008.

In November 2007 Letterkenny man Liam McGinley was taken into protective custody after passing on information to gardai about the Real IRA murder of Sinn Fein administrator turned MI5 agent Denis Donaldson.

McGinley is reported to have identified the killers to gardai and to have passed on information which led to the recovery of a sledgehammer that the Real IRA gang had used to break down the door of Mr Donaldson's cottage in Co Donegal in April 2006 before killing him.

Mr McGinley is understood to have agreed to cooperate after having been abducted and shot by the Real IRA in November 2007.
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Murdered MI6 spy in secret NI role

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Murdered MI6 spy in secret NI role
Alex Marunchak
29 August 2010
The Sunday Life


Exclusive dead spook's Ulster links

Murdered MI6 spy Gareth Williams visited the top secret spying base at Palace Barracks in Holywood on two separate occasions to help staff decode dissident republican secret messages.

The maths genius, who worked at the British government's eavesdropping post GCHQ in Cheltenham, had been on secondment to MI6 for the past year and was due to return on Friday, September 3.

But he had also been attached to MI5 for two six-month periods prior to that and was flown over to Northern Ireland to brief six agents working on decoding taped and recorded messages picked up by sophisticated phone and radio-microphone taps.

He landed at Belfast International Airport at Aldergrove and was picked up by car and taken to the MI5 building at Palace Barracks which houses 300 agents and is the official back-up facility for the secret service.

If its headquarters at Thames House, in London's Westminster, are ever attacked then sophisticated computers will automatically switch over to Holywood so it can carry on working without interruption.

Williams, 31, liaised closely with America's CIA and also flew to its rival secret service organisation, the National Security Agency, and worked at its headquarters near Baltimore.

It is the largest intelligence-gathering agency in the world and dwarfs Britain's own GCHQ which employs 5,500 agents.

It has provided MI5 with vital information about the 32 County Sovereignty Movement, the political wing of the Real IRA.

It also supplies the Belfast offices of MI5 with vital information about links between dissident republicans and supporters in the United States.

GCHQ man Williams supervised the collated evidence of coded RIRA messages among members of the group for MI5 files in Belfast.

Among the projects overseen by Williams was work surrounding decoding conversations among suspects linked to the Massereene Barracks attack on March 7 last year.

GCHQ intercepted vital coded messages made on mobile telephones about the gunmen who attacked soldiers waiting for a pizza delivery.

Two died in the shooting -- Royal Engineer Regiment sappers Mark Quinsey and Patrick Azimkar -- and another two other squaddies were injured together with a pair of pizza deliverymen.

Prominent republican Colin Duffy, 41, is charged over the murders along with 44-year-old Brian Shivers.

Last week the body of keen cyclist Williams was found in a sportsbag at an MI6 'safe house' in Alderney Street, Westminster, just 200 yards from Parliament and half a mile from the MI6 HQ.

There have been reports that the dead MI6 agent, who lived alone and did not have a partner, was a gay cross-dresser and may have been murdered by a homosexual lover.

But so far a pathologist has been unable to discover the cause of Williams death. Further tests are taking place to see if he was poisoned or drugged.

His body lay undiscovered for two weeks until police were alerted.

So far police sources said there were no signs that Williams had been shot, strangled, stabbed or beaten to death.

Former MI6 officer Harry Ferguson said the organisation originally wanted to suppress all details about Williams' work and background and merely to refer to him as a 'civil servant'.

He said: "One of the concerns is that staff can be protected while working inside the MI6 building but there is a risk they could be followed home.

"It is the sort of thing a small terror network would be capable of doing."
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Inquest on MI5 agent adjourned

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Inquest on MI5 agent adjourned

27 August 2010
The Irish News

Barry McCaffrey

The family of MI5 agent Denis Donaldson last night criticised the decision to adjourn an inquest into his death for a fifth time.

Relatives of the former Sinn Fein administrator had travelled to Letterkenny in Co Donegal yesterday hoping that a date for an inquest into his death would be announced.

The 56 year-old, pictured, was shot dead by the Real IRA in April 2006, just weeks after he admitted that he had been an MI5 agent for more than 20 years.

Since then the Garda had requested that the opening of the inquest into his death be adjourned four previous times due to its ongoing investigations.

That evidence relates to information provided by Donegal man Liam McGinley, who is understood to have identified Mr Donaldson's killers and the location of a sledge hammer used in the attack.

The 29 year-old is now thought to be in protective custody in the Republic.

Garda barrister Stephen Byrne insisted that progress was being made, in what he said was a "very complex investigation".

He said that the detective leading the inquiry, Superintendent Michael Finan, was "obviously restrained in what he could put publicly" before an inquest at this stage.

However, the Donaldson family have become increasingly frustrated at the repeated delays.

The family's solicitor Ciaran Shiels argued that any further adjournment would be unlawful under European law and accused the Garda of repeatedly "frustrating" attempts to open an inquest.

He said that despite Garda claims of progress, there was no indication whether anyone will charged with Mr Donaldson's murder in the near future.

Mr Shiels claimed there was a pattern that each time the inquest was due to open there was "a flurry of activity" in which the family were informed there was a new development.

Following legal arguments, Coroner Dr Denis McCauley said that he would schedule a pre-inquest hearing on 27 January.

He said the Garda and the Donaldson family would be expected to deliver detailed arguments about future proceedings.

He said it would also be decided if the inquest would simply identify how Mr Donaldson was killed or, as the family wish, fully investigate the wider surroundings of his death.
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Inquest on MI5 agent adjourned

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Inquest on MI5 agent adjourned

27 August 2010
The Irish News
Barry McCaffrey


The family of MI5 agent Denis Donaldson last night criticised the decision to adjourn an inquest into his death for a fifth time.

Relatives of the former Sinn Fein administrator had travelled to Letterkenny in Co Donegal yesterday hoping that a date for an inquest into his death would be announced.

The 56 year-old, pictured, was shot dead by the Real IRA in April 2006, just weeks after he admitted that he had been an MI5 agent for more than 20 years.

Since then the Garda had requested that the opening of the inquest into his death be adjourned four previous times due to its ongoing investigations.

That evidence relates to information provided by Donegal man Liam McGinley, who is understood to have identified Mr Donaldson's killers and the location of a sledge hammer used in the attack.

The 29 year-old is now thought to be in protective custody in the Republic.


Garda barrister Stephen Byrne insisted that progress was being made, in what he said was a "very complex investigation".

He said that the detective leading the inquiry, Superintendent Michael Finan, was "obviously restrained in what he could put publicly" before an inquest at this stage.

However, the Donaldson family have become increasingly frustrated at the repeated delays.

The family's solicitor Ciaran Shiels argued that any further adjournment would be unlawful under European law and accused the Garda of repeatedly "frustrating" attempts to open an inquest.

He said that despite Garda claims of progress, there was no indication whether anyone will charged with Mr Donaldson's murder in the near future.

Mr Shiels claimed there was a pattern that each time the inquest was due to open there was "a flurry of activity" in which the family were informed there was a new development.

Following legal arguments, Coroner Dr Denis McCauley said that he would schedule a pre-inquest hearing on 27 January.

He said the Garda and the Donaldson family would be expected to deliver detailed arguments about future proceedings.

He said it would also be decided if the inquest would simply identify how Mr Donaldson was killed or, as the family wish, fully investigate the wider surroundings of his death.
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Donaldson inquest to start 4 yrs after death

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Donaldson inquest to start 4 yrs after death
26 August 2010
Mirror


MURDER

AN inquest into the death of Sinn Fein's Denis Donaldson may finally go ahead today - four years after his murder.

The former chief administrator, 56, who admitted he was a paid British informer for 20 years, was shot dead at his cottage near Glenties, Co Donegal, in April 2006.

A preliminary inquest into his death opened in November 2007 but has been put off on four occasions because gardai said they were continuing their investigations.

No one has ever been charged in connection with the murder.

Mr Donaldson's family have said they want the inquest to proceed as soon as possible stating they thought the investigation will "go nowhere".

They also made formal complaints to both the Garda Ombudsman and Garda Complaints Board saying their confidence in the investigation has been "seriously undermined".

The Real IRA's Army Council later issued a statement claiming responsibility for the death. They also gave a chilling insight into his final moments alive.

The statement said: "He just ran into the back room. He seemed to know what was coming.

"There was a struggle and he ended up on the ground. He didn't cry or plead for help."

Donaldson's right hand was severed during the attack.

In February Gda Supt Michael Finan asked for a nine-month adjournment at the inquest but Coroner Dr Denis McCauley said he was only prepared to grant six months - until today.
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Ruling on MI5 agent's inquest expected 4 years after killing

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Ruling on MI5 agent's inquest expected 4 years after killing

26 August 2010
The Irish News
Barry McCaffrey


A Donegal coroner is expected to rule today on whether an inquest into the murder of MI5 agent Denis Donaldson can open - more than four years after he was shot dead.

The 56-year-old was killed by the Real IRA in April 2006 at an isolated cottage at Doochary, Co Donegal, four months after publicly admitting that he had been a British spy inside Sinn Fein for more than 20 years.

Donaldson, who had previously been implicated in an IRA spy ring at Stormont, died after being hit by two shotgun blasts as he tried to flee from the early morning attack.

However, the inquest into his death has been postponed four times on the request of Garda detectives because of ongoing investigations into the killing.

In February gardai asked for a nine-month adjournment claiming investigations were very "technical in detail" with other "avenues" needing to be pursued.

That evidence is believed to have been linked to information from Donegal man Liam McGinley who is understood to have supplied gardai with details about the Donaldson murder, including the identity of the killers, and the location of a sledgehammer used in the attack.

McGinley, from the Falcarragh area of Donegal, was reported to have been taken into protective custody and begun co-operating with gardai after he was shot and left for dead by the Real IRA in November 2007.

When he appeared at Letterkenny District Court three months later he was surrounded by armed gardai.

He was sentenced to six months in prison for theft and public order offences.

However, his solicitor claimed that sending McGinley to prison would be "tantamount to a death sentence" adding his life would be at risk if he was placed with the general prison population. He subsequently received a further three-year sentence in February this year after being convicted of robbery.

The Republic's prison service was yesterday unable to say where McGinley is being held.


Garda sources claim that a file is with the Republic's prosecution service to decide if McGinley would be a credible witness.

It is understood gardai will ask for another delay in the inquest, possibly up to a year, when the preliminary hearing reopens today.

In February the Donaldson family's solicitor Ciaran Shiels warned that they would not be prepared to accept any further delay in opening the inquest. At that hearing Donegal coroner Dr Denis McCauley agreed to adjourn the inquest for a further six months, until August 26.

However, Dr McCauley told gardai that they would "have to have a very good reason" why he should not name a date for the opening of the inquest.
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Ruling on MI5 agent's inquest expected 4 years after killing

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Ruling on MI5 agent's inquest expected 4 years after killing

26 August 2010
The Irish News
Barry McCaffrey


A Donegal coroner is expected to rule today on whether an inquest into the murder of MI5 agent Denis Donaldson can open - more than four years after he was shot dead.

The 56-year-old was killed by the Real IRA in April 2006 at an isolated cottage at Doochary, Co Donegal, four months after publicly admitting that he had been a British spy inside Sinn Fein for more than 20 years.

Donaldson, who had previously been implicated in an IRA spy ring at Stormont, died after being hit by two shotgun blasts as he tried to flee from the early morning attack.

However, the inquest into his death has been postponed four times on the request of Garda detectives because of ongoing investigations into the killing.

In February gardai asked for a nine-month adjournment claiming investigations were very "technical in detail" with other "avenues" needing to be pursued.

That evidence is believed to have been linked to information from Donegal man Liam McGinley who is understood to have supplied gardai with details about the Donaldson murder, including the identity of the killers, and the location of a sledgehammer used in the attack.

McGinley, from the Falcarragh area of Donegal, was reported to have been taken into protective custody and begun co-operating with gardai after he was shot and left for dead by the Real IRA in November 2007.

When he appeared at Letterkenny District Court three months later he was surrounded by armed gardai.

He was sentenced to six months in prison for theft and public order offences.

However, his solicitor claimed that sending McGinley to prison would be "tantamount to a death sentence" adding his life would be at risk if he was placed with the general prison population. He subsequently received a further three-year sentence in February this year after being convicted of robbery.

The Republic's prison service was yesterday unable to say where McGinley is being held.

Garda sources claim that a file is with the Republic's prosecution service to decide if McGinley would be a credible witness.

It is understood gardai will ask for another delay in the inquest, possibly up to a year, when the preliminary hearing reopens today.

In February the Donaldson family's solicitor Ciaran Shiels warned that they would not be prepared to accept any further delay in opening the inquest. At that hearing Donegal coroner Dr Denis McCauley agreed to adjourn the inquest for a further six months, until August 26.

However, Dr McCauley told gardai that they would "have to have a very good reason" why he should not name a date for the opening of the inquest.
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We Say Stop - Dissident Republicans - Oglaigh na hEireann says talks opportunity is there

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23 August 2010
The Irish News
Oglaigh na hEireann 'army council' member interviewed by Allison Morris



Who exactly are Oglaigh na hEireann and where did you come from?

"There has been a lot of speculation as to where ONH came from, the fact is that we didn't come together officially until the later part of 2005/2006.

"A number of former members of other republican organisations - who had felt for some time that they wanted to continue with the struggle - decided to reconstitute ONH but to do it differently.

"This took place after a lot of debate and discussion - it wasn't a decision taken lightly.

"We do want to make it clear that we have no connection to the Continuity IRA breakaway group, made up of a bunch of misfits from Strabane, who had no interest in republicanism only financial self-gain and personal profiling.

"They have since been told they are not to use the name ONH and have all but disappeared, apart from featuring in Independent Monitoring Commission reports.

(It was this Strabane group that was responsible for the murder of Andrew Burns (27) in Doneyloop, Co Donegal, in February 2008.)

"The vast majority of our members are former members of the Provisional IRA who recognised a credible alternative in ONH, and a few had previously not been involved with any other group.

"What many of the seasoned members would say is that they waited and waited for an alternative, not wanting to get involved with the existing armed groups for various reasons, mainly being they just didn't rate them.

"We set the bar extremely high when it comes to recruitment. ONH are not fixated on numbers - it's a case of quality over quantity."

Are you currently in dialogue with either the British or Irish governments?

"There is no dialogue and no we aren't meeting with either the Irish or British governments.

"There have been indirect attempts at trying to instigate channels of communication.

"This has taken a few forms - on occasions our members have been approached by MI5 when arrested or when stopped who have attempted to recruit them or asked that channels of communication be opened up with the Brits. Needless to say that this hasn't happened."

Would you consider speaking to either government in the future?

"Well it's a situation that has not yet arose but we need to be pragmatic about these things. There has never been a war situation anywhere in the world that hasn't been resolved without dialogue and talks.

"We would only be interested in taking part in talks if they were about negotiating withdrawal and ending British interference in Irish affairs and if they took place within a tight framework."

Have you met with Sinn Fein and, if not, would you consider speaking to them?

"Sinn Fein hasn't asked to meet with ONH. Sinn Fein members have publicly called us criminals, and there is no point in publicly criminalising people and then privately speaking to them.

"In the current conditions any talks would not be carried out on an equal footing. Until Sinn Fein recognise that everyone who opposes their current path cannot be dismissed away with a wave of the hand and labelled 'criminals' and that there are those who believe physical force to be a viable tactic then there is no point.

"We're not totally ruling it out. There is still a window of opportunity there for talks with Sinn Fein but not in the present format."

The IRA engaged in a lengthy campaign of violence on a scale much greater than anything the current crop of dissident groups are capable of and yet that failed to secure British withdrawal from Ireland. What makes ONH think that violence on the relatively small scale that they are engaged in will succeed where the IRA failed?

"Well there are two points to that:

"The arena that the IRA fought in and the tactics used in the middle of a war zone meant that people, as in the general public, were conditioned to almost expect daily attacks. Now though, people are simply not accustomed to it. The north has been sold around the world as a settled state within the United Kingdom. Sure haven't we even been given the dubious accolade as having Derry named a UK city of culture in reward for being nice obedient republicans.

"But then when say a British army major has to come out and explain away a bomb attack outside the headquarters of MI5 it destroys the idea of this utopian, agreed, internal settlement having been reached.

"For as long as there is British interference in Irish affairs we, as in ONH, will continue to expose it for what it is, a myth.

"Secondly, the structure and mechanisms of the provos, since the early 1980s, were heavily compromised.

"A large body of people had to be involved for any operation to go ahead. This leads to leaks and arrests and this ultimately led to the stalemate situation the IRA later found themselves in.

"Our tactics - and obviously we can't go into details to protect our own security - are different in order to avoid backing ourselves into a similar cul-de-sac.

"So really what we intend to achieve is to continually upset and expose this myth of normalisation but without the back-room deals that weakened the IRA's position.

"We intend to nick at the heels of the Brits to eventually force them into a situation were they open up negotiations on the issue of British interference in Irish affairs."

The majority of Irish people voted in favour of the Good Friday Agreement. There is only minimal support for ongoing republican violence. What makes ONH think they have the right to continue a campaign of violence against the wishes of the Irish people?

"The Irish people voted for the agreement which was ripped up at St Andrews in order to appease unionists.

"Our argument is if one document can be ripped up then why not another document. Look, there has never been a mass appetite for violent insurrection in Ireland. The leaders of the 1916 rising were spat on by Dubliners.

"When the provos were active Sinn Fein's percentage of the vote was relatively small. You will never get unreserved support for war anywhere in the world. There wouldn't be any wars if they relied on unilateral support.

"The problems is that the Good Friday Agreement was sold to republicans as a victory. You only have to look at the cavalcades through west Belfast for proof of that.

"Most people didn't even read it, they just relied on politicians' selective analysis of its contents.

"What is now crystal clear is that republicans were badly outmanoeuvred during the creation of the deal. The very reason for generations of war in Ireland was never even addressed - there is no timetable for British withdrawal.

"Until we have negotiations about a deal that addresses withdrawal as far as we're concerned Irish people will continue to fight against British occupation."

Is ONH's campaign not more about disgruntled former Provisionals embarrassing Sinn Fein than it is about challenging British rule?

"Absolutely not. There are members of our organisation who came from within the ranks of the IRA and had sat back and gave Sinn Fein breathing space to make the agreement work and achieve their goals.

"That didn't happen and we now have a puppet Stormont parliament that is controlled by Westminster. We oppose Stormont outright but we are not here to bring down any particular party sitting in it - Sinn Fein obviously come in for the most ridicule for their poacher turned gamekeeper mentality."

Following the Omagh atrocity any remaining support for militant republicanism was all but eradicated. The recent ONH car bomb at Strand Road station in Derry only narrowly avoided killing civilians. Surely ONH realises that the recent up-scaling of attacks means it's only a matter of time before civilian lives are lost?

"If you look at the last few large bombs - Palace Barracks, Ballykinler, Strand Road - we took them right to the doors and that was deliberately to minimise the risk of civilian casualties.

"Palace Barracks was at midnight, Strand Road after 3am - again this was because there are less people about at that time of the morning.

"Look we realise any guerilla army requires a degree of support, which would be seriously tainted if civilians were hurt or killed.

"We're always just one more Omagh away from a forced ceasefire. That's a situation no-one wants and that's a road ONH will not be going down."

Is ONH purposely trying to deter nationalists from joining the police by targeting Catholic officers as in the case of Irish-speaking officer Peadar Heffron, who lost a leg following an ONH bomb attack earlier this year?

"Religion isn't a factor. When we receive intelligence on British security force members we don't ask what religion they are. Once they put that uniform on they become part of the British war apparatus and that's it plain and simple. If they have made a conscious decision to become part of the forces of occupation, well then, they take that risk."

While loyalists have so far not responded to the increased dissident activity there is fear that groups such as ONH could provide loyalists with an excuse to carry out sectarian attacks against nationalists. If this happened would your group not bear some responsibility and how would ONH react?

"We are aware that both the UDA and the UVF have been gathering intelligence on republicans in recent times. There seems to be a level of acceptance of this within the NIO and the British government. 'Keep the boys busy, but without them actually doing anything about it' kind of attitude.

"We are observing this situation. That said, it's clear that people like Jackie McDonald are now firmly embedded in the system with all the financial rewards that comes with conforming.

"There are obviously disillusioned loyalists.

"If they were to attack republicans - and this is purely hypothetical and a big if - then we would not be getting involved in sectarian tit-for-tat action but we would target those actively responsible.

"Look, if we are able to locate army majors and track them to a house in Bangor then an active loyalist wouldn't prove much of a challenge."

Do you recognise the Garda as an acceptable police service or are they considered legitimate targets now or in the future?

"The gardai are clearly cooperating with the British security forces and there have been brutal assaults on republicans both young and old who have been arrested recently. People are being sent to casualty before even being sent to court. But we abide by the IRA green book and don't engage in armed action against the government of the 26 counties."

The IRA abandoned proxy bombs following the public backlash at the murder of Derry man Patsy Gillespie in 1990, why would ONH resume the use of such a morally repugnant practice?

"We realise the provos abandoned the use of proxy bombs following a public outcry and ONH are not totally comfortable with the idea of using proxy bombs. On the occasions we have used proxies it was out of necessity.

"In the case of Palace Barracks it was to exploit a security loophole in their defences. We knew through our intelligence that (a city centre taxi firm) were security-cleared to enter the barrack's perimeter.

"In the case of the Derry bomb (Strand Road) our volunteers accompanied the driver and didn't arm the bomb until the last minute, again to exploit a weakness in that we knew taxies were allowed to park outside the station at night.

"We apologise to both those taxi men. We realise it's a tactic not fully supported even by republicans and where we can execute an operation by ourselves we always will do."

Realistically does ONH even have the kind of weaponry needed to sustain current activity?

"Before we embarked on a campaign we set about acquiring arms and explosives. As the recent upsurge shows, we have the material required to carry out the type of campaign we have envisaged."

Dissident republican splinter groups have often been accused of using activity as a cover for criminality. As with any organisation ONH needs funding, that requires illegal activity and criminality does it not?

"ONH members do not and never have extorted anyone.

"We also don't tax drug dealers or criminals, and I would challenge anyone to come up evidence to prove otherwise.

"We have ways of funding our organisation which I'll not go into but which Sinn Fein would be well-versed in as they don't differ that greatly from the way the provos funded their army."

Do the current dissident republican groups cooperate with each other and does ONH carry out joint operations with other groupings such as the Real IRA?

"We enjoy a healthy relationship with all armed groups who are serious about taking on the British. But no we do not carry out joint operations. There is no point in us setting the bar high for membership and then compromising that by getting involved in operations with other groups."

Is ONH currently linked to any political grouping and does it intend to get involved in politics in the same duel armalite/ballot-box way that mainstream republicans previously did?

"ONH will not be going down the political party/army module because it has failed. One always compromises the other.

"But we are not just militarists, we do have a political strategy and we recognise that a number of republican political groups are doing good work providing an alternative voice - we would draw inspiration from these groups.

"As for the ballot box/armalite strategy, well it fell on its face. So no. We won't be following that.

"We're not a political group. Our allegiance is to the Republic with the obvious aim for a 32-county democratic Ireland of genuine equals, where a small percentage don't hold all the wealth and where the Irish working class take control of all aspects of their own lives."

So far ONH has confined its activity to Northern Ireland. Since so many of your tactics seem to mirror those used by the IRA will that also include bombing Britain?

"There are reports every Sunday about what ONH are going to do but we do not speak to tabloid newspapers. In the future we will target the British apparatus should that be in Belfast, Birmingham or London.

"It's ok for people to say we don't have capability. A year ago they said we couldn't even detonate a bomb.

"One year on, we have now shown that we are capable of using an array of tactics and will continue to do so in the future."
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Dissident threat - Adams says groups 'heavily infiltrated'

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6 August 2010
The Irish News
Allison Morris

Gerry Adams has claimed that dissident republican groups are heavily infiltrated and being controlled to a degree by security agencies.

Speaking following a week of attacks across Northern Ireland, the Sinn Fein leader, pictured, said that recent upsurges in paramilitary violence have always coincided with progressive political developments.
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The family can't move on until the truth is told

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The family can't move on until the truth is told
23 July 2010
Belfast Telegraph


The lucid memory of that horrific episode, however, lives with him every day, emboldening a relentless, painstaking search for the truth about who was really behind it.

John Finucane, now an established Belfast solicitor himself, is certain that the security forces colluded with loyalists for an assassination he believes was condoned -- even sanctioned -- by the Government.

An outrageous suggestion some might think, but an hour in the company of this 30-year-old criminal lawyer and human rights activist may well cloud the most cynical minds in doubt.

"Through the very nature of his work in those days, my father was proving to be a thorn in the establishment's side," John says.

"He was taking on the British establishment -- with their own laws, through their own courts. He was good at it too, and I don't think they liked that. Quite simply, they killed him because he was effective at his job."

He adds: "My father was looking into unlawful detentions and killings by the security forces. He was one of a select few prepared to do the work."

That work was ended, abruptly and mercilessly, when Pat Finucane, then 39, was shot 14 times by loyalist paramilitary Ken Barrett and another man. Barrett, a UDA informer, finally pleaded guilty to the murder in 2004.

Pat Finucane had been representing well known IRA man Pat 'Beag' McGeown, a suspect in the notorious, brutal and all-too-public murders of two Army corporals in Andersonstown in March 1988. Pictures of Mr Finucane outside Belfast's Crumlin Road Courthouse with his client appeared in the Press. The UDA/UFF said they killed him because he was an "IRA officer" -- although no evidence has ever emerged to support this claim.

Pat Finucane did, however, have well established republican roots. Three brothers -- John, Dermot and Seamus -- were in the Provisional IRA. John was killed 'on active service' in 1972, Dermot was one of the 38 Maze escapees in 1983 and Seamus was a Provo colleague of Bobby Sands (later a client of Pat's); the pair were arrested attempting to destroy a Belfast property store in 1976.

Pat Finucane's son does not believe his father was merely paying for the sins of his siblings; his representation of high-profile paramilitaries is a more plausible 'justification.'

"My father represented loyalists and republicans," he says. "As a solicitor you can't refuse a case and he didn't. He got work because he was successful in challenging the police and the Government. I believe he became a hate figure for them."

John was only eight when his father was murdered in front of him, his mother Geraldine, his brother Michael (then 17) and sister Katherine (13) .

"It was around 7pm," he remembers. "There was a loud bang at the front door and before anybody had time to react my father was killed in front of us in the kitchen.

"We were literally in the middle of our dinner. They suspected the people who did this had done it before because every shot that was fired hit my father. It was particularly brutal in nature."

In 1999, the Metropolitan Police Chief Sir John Stevens, who had already been investigating collusion allegations in Northern Ireland for a decade, launched a specific inquiry into Mr Finucane's murder.

Arising from that investigation, RUC Special Branch agent and loyalist quartermaster William Stobie was charged with supplying one of the pistols used in the murder. He admitted the offence, but denied knowing who the target was. He also argued he'd warned his handlers a shooting was imminent.

The Stobie case collapsed in November 2001; he was shot dead by loyalists outside his own home shortly afterwards.

But John's focus is not on the paramilitaries involved.

"They were merely sent out to do a job," he says. "The main question is: who sent them out, and why? Loyalists have since gone on the record to say that they were told by the RUC to target my father.

"Why did the Government feel they could get a solicitor murdered in their own jurisdiction?

"Why did they have a policy where many other people were killed?

"If this was just about the murder of my father I don't think it would have gathered as much momentum or attracted as much attention as it has. This was a policy that affected many, many people."

He adds: "We know it was Brian Nelson (the loyalist and Army double agent) who provided the intelligence and who had helped set the murder up."

Army officers interviewed by the Stevens team denied any knowledge of a high-level plot but that isn't the source of frustration for the victim's family.

"Prosecutions aren't an issue for us," John admits. "We aren't interested in anybody going to jail for this. The main focus for us is getting at the truth.

"And, firstly, that truth must be told in its entirety. Secondly, that truth must be acknowledged and accepted by the British Government. Thirdly, we must learn lessons from this.

"Until we know what really went on, we'll never be able to learn from it. We must send out a message that we will not tolerate that sort of behaviour from our Government, or from its various agencies."

John's father was killed just weeks after Home Office minister Douglas Hogg told the Commons a number of Ulster solicitors were "unduly sympathetic" to the IRA.

"Yes, and he has never admitted why he made that statement," says John. "We have since learned that he was briefed by senior members of the RUC and given that information to say. One of Stevens' reports says Hogg was compromised.

"The Stevens Report itself has never been published -- why's that?"

You get the impression John Finucane knows the answers already. All he wants is for the Government to own up to its perceived involvement. It could be a long wait; it has already been.

"For the last 20 years, the British Government have resisted, have fought every step of the way to cover up the truth," he says. "As a family, it makes us very suspicious as to what they're hiding."

The Finucane family (John's brother, Michael, is also a solicitor) have been promised an inquiry into Pat's murder -- and they will settle for nothing less.

Put simply, they want the powers-that-be to finally say: 'Yes, that's what happened . . . and we're so sorry it did'.

"My family aren't asking for an open-ended, costly inquiry," John says. "I think this could be dealt with very swiftly. But we need to deal with the past; we can't walk away from it. "

The Finucanes' quest for adequate closure has been backed by, among others, various US Presidents, the Irish Government and the European Parliament.

"My mother (now 60) has likened it to a sore or a cut -- if you don't treat it properly and just cover it up, it will fester below the surface and eventually come up, even more rotten than it was originally," says John.

"And something very rotten was going on at that time, something that caused not just my father's death, but many others."

Today, sitting in a busy cafe in Belfast city centre -- a Belfast thronged with young people who have never heard this story and, frankly, would have no interest in hearing it either -- John admits to occasionally wondering why he has persisted in his quest for the truth for so long.

"I was eight when this happened; I'm 30 now. For the vast majority of my life I haven't known anything else," he says.

Time, however, doesn't make dealing with such a "violent, traumatic and unforeseen death" any easier for a family man looking forward to the birth of his third child next week.

One of his boys is nearly the age John was on that fateful night back in 1989.

"My father was taken away from me. I feel I've missed out on an awful lot and I miss him as much now as I ever did," he says.

"You miss having your father. And the more I find out about who he was, the more I've missed not having that person in my life. That pain, that grief will always be there."

He adds: "No-one wants to spend their life having to talk about the murder of their father and why they want justice to be achieved, but it's where we are. We do want to put this behind us, but until the truth is told I really don't think that's possible."
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Family celebrates the return of the living dead

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Family celebrates the return of the living dead

11 July 2010
Sunday Tribune
Suzanne Breen


For almost 30 years, former IRA informer Raymond Gilmour has been a man in hiding, a traitor to his community. He was sure his loved ones hated him, but nothing could have been further from the truth. Northern Editor Suzanne Breen tells the remarkable story of how an interview in the 'Sunday Tribune' brought the family together again

IRA informer Raymond Gilmour has been reunited with his family after almost three decades of having no contact with them. Gilmour fled his native Derry after giving evidence against 31 men and women in one of the North's best-known supergrass trials. He was resettled by MI5 with a new identity in Britain and, to his distress, lost contact with his family.

However, Gilmour's sister Geraldine Dametz contacted the Sunday Tribune after we carried an interview with him in which he spoke of his problems with alcoholism and depression and of how deeply he missed his 10 brothers and sisters.

Dametz, who now lives in the US, says: "The last time I saw Raymond he was in court giving evidence. I was crying because I wanted him to retract for the sake of our family. I didn't see or speak to him for 27 years but there wasn't a day that passed that I didn't think of him and wonder if he was even alive. It was torture."

Dametz was so desperate to find her brother that she had asked her three children to carry out regular internet searches for their uncle. One of her sons found the Sunday Tribune article.

After we passed Dametz's contact details to Gilmour, he phoned her. "He said, 'Geraldine do you know who this is?' and I said, 'It's you Raymond.' I'd know his voice anywhere. We talked for six hours. It was like we'd never been separated.

"He remembered every little detail about us all. Our family never disowned Raymond. When he gave evidence, it ruined our lives. After the trial, I couldn't continue living in Derry. I had to go to the US and my parents went to England. I can't speak for the rest of the family, but personally I'm very proud of Raymond. If he saved the life of even one Protestant, one Catholic, one policeman or one soldier, then he's my hero."

Gilmour, the youngest in the family, was particularly close to his mother, Dametz says. "As a child, Raymond was like my mother's shadow, he went everywhere with her. She was very anti-violence and anti-IRA - that's where I think he got it from.

"My mother never stopped loving Raymond. I nursed her for three months when she was dying and all she did was talk about him. She wanted to see him one last time. She was heartbroken and it destroyed us seeing her so unhappy.

"Raymond heard she'd died and sent a wreath. He thought we hated him and told the Sunday Tribune that the wreath was probably thrown in the bin. Nothing was further from the truth. Raymond had written on the card, 'From your loving son', and that card was placed in my mother's hands in the coffin."

Gilmour is also now in touch with five of his other brothers and sisters. "He has missed out on so much but it's great that we have contact with him," says Dametz, who lives in New Jersey.

Gilmour's two children to his first wife Lorraine live in Derry. "Raymond has no contact with them. We were able to tell him how they were and that his daughter had twins and he was a grandfather."

Sinn Fein spy Denis Donaldson was shot dead by the Real IRA in Donegal four years ago. Informer Marty McGartland narrowly escaped death in a gun attack after the Provisional IRA found out where he was living in England 11 years ago.

Gilmour would still be a target for dissident republican groups or individual Provisional IRA or INLA members. "I know we won't ever be able to have a big family reunion. I've invited him to my home in New Jersey but it wouldn't be safe for him," says Dametz.

"So I'll travel to wherever he thinks safe, to the ends of the earth if need be, to meet him. Raymond rings me every other day. I leave it to him to contact me. I don't have or want his telephone number or his address."

Gilmour was recruited by the police as a teenager, first to infiltrate the INLA, then the IRA. Dametz says her family's world fell apart when news broke that he was an informer. "We were devastated. We knew we would never be able to see him normally again. He became the living dead."

The IRA abducted Gilmour's father in an attempt to force him to retract his evidence. Gilmour refused but the trial collapsed when the judge said he wasn't a credible witness. Gilmour's father was then released by the IRA.

"A few weeks later, I moved to the US with my two children. I couldn't stay in Derry. Friends I'd grown up with snubbed me. The hostility was so strong I was frightened I'd be physically attacked," says Dametz.

Gilmour's parents moved to England where they lived for six years. During that time, when Gilmour himself was living in Britain, he regularly asked MI5 if he could be put in contact with his mother and father but they said it was impossible.

Gilmour is extremely angry at the intelligence services for denying him this contact. "My mother and father would have met him in a heartbeat," says Dametz.

Informers are widely regarded by the nationalist community as traitors but Dametz states: "Raymond said he did what he did not for money but for principle and I believe him. I say that as someone who is proud to be Irish, who marches with their kids in the parade down Fifth Avenue on St Patrick's Day."

However, Dametz is angry at the IRA and the British. "Both behaved very badly. The IRA abducted my father and made life hell for the rest of us.

"Raymond was recruited by the police when he was 16, far too young to be sure of what he was doing, and then when the British had no more use for him, they threw him to the wolves and didn't look after him."
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Agent: No bonus was ever paid

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21 May 2010
Mirror
Paul Higgins


An undercover agent giving evidence against alleged dissident republicans yesterday denied getting paid bonuses. He was giving evidence at the Belfast Crown Court of three Co Armagh men charged in connection with a arms smuggling plot. The agent, known only as Amir, claimed he was paid between £200 and £300 for every day he worked.

Paul Anthony John McCaugherty, 43, from Beech Court, 44-year-old Desmond Paul Kearns, from Tannaghmore Green, both Lurgan, Co Armagh and Dermot Declan Gregory aka Michael Dermot Gregory, 41, from Concession Road in Crossmaglen, deny a total of eight charges.

The prosecution claim between August 2004 and June 2006, Kearns, acted as a go-between, McCaugherty handled the money and negotiated the deals, and Gregory handled a restaurant being used to raise funds for a terrorist group.

Article Ends

(Blogger Comment: The restaurant referred to above was located in Alvor, Portugal. SEE: REAL IRA IN PORTUGAL)
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MI5 agent 'doesn't know' why bosses said account full of spin

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21 May 2010
The Irish News
Barry McCaffrey


An MI5 agent at the centre of a Real IRA arms smuggling trial says he has no idea why his bosses raised concerns that his evidence was full of "spin" and was "inaccurate".

The agent, codenamed 'Amir', was giving evidence at the trial of three Co Armagh men charged in connection with an alleged Real IRA plot to smuggle guns and explosives from mainland Europe to Northern Ireland in 2005/2006.

Paul McCaugherty (43) of Beech Court in Lurgan is charged with conspiracy to possess firearms and explosives, using almost EUR46,000 for terrorist purposes, membership of the RIRA and making the deeds of a Portuguese restaurant available for the purposes of terrorism.

Desmond Kearns (44) of Tannaghmore Green, Lurgan is accused of conspiring to possess firearms and explosives, while Declan Gregory (41) of Concession Road, Crossmaglen is accused of making the deeds of a Portugese restaurant available for the purposes of terrorism.

The trial had previously heard that Amir had met Mr Kearns and his wife Alison during trips to Belgium in 2005 to buy cheap cigarettes. The prosecution alleges that Mrs Kearns asked if Amir could supply weapons which could be smuggled to Northern Ireland.

Mr McCaugherty is later alleged to have travelled to mainland Europe with Mr Kearns to meet another arms dealer, who was in fact another MI5 agent. However, giving evidence from behind curtains yesterday, Amir denied ever having written a witness statement in which it was alleged that Mrs Kearns asked if he could supply weapons. Questioned about contradictions in the statement, he replied: "You'll have to ask the author. It's unfair to ask me."

However, under questioning from Orlando Pownall QC, Amir admitted that he had only agreed to give evidence at the trial after his former MI5 bosses threatened to arrest him and expose his identity.

The court was told that while Amir had secretly recorded three hours of conversations during a meeting with the Kearnses in July 2005, the crucial part in which Mrs Kearns allegedly asked if he could supply weapons had failed to record. While he insisted that Mrs Kearns had asked about guns, he conceded that key parts of the statement written in his name were "inaccurate". "She didn't keep asking me questions about weapons but she did ask," he said.

He admitted that at a later MI5 debriefing one of his handlers accused him of deliberately having turned off the tape recorder. Asked who had been responsible for writing his statement, Amir replied: "Surely you must know who the author is? It's not me."

An MI5 memo was read to the court in which Amir's handlers raised concerns that what he was telling them was "inaccurate" and that "self interest" was a "strong factor".

"We also need to think WHY (Amir's) account ... is inaccurate," it stated.

"There's lots of spin, selective memory, revisionism, reinterpretation and potentially miscomprehension. What's underlying this?"

Confirming that he had had "heated exchanges" and a "big fall-out" with his handlers after he refused to introduce a second MI5 agent posing as an arms dealer, he said: "They were certainly not happy with me and I wasn't happy with them."

He said he was no longer "on great terms" with MI5 and had not worked for it since 2006.

The trial continues.
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Bonus pay allegations are untrue, MI5 agent tells court

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21 May 2010
Belfast Telegraph
Paul Higgins


An undercover Secret Service agent giving evidence against three alleged dissident republicans has denied being paid bonuses. Under cross-examination at Belfast Crown Court, the agent known as ‘Amir' claimed he was paid between £200 and £300 for every day he worked on an operation. He told Orlando Pownall QC that if there was a bonus scheme “they must have forgotten to tell me about it”.

The three accused, Paul Anthony John McCaugherty (43), Desmond Paul Kearns (44), and 41-year-old Dermot Declan Gregory aka Michael Dermot Gregory, deny a total of eight charges.

The prosecution claim that during a two-year operation conducted by Security Services between August 2004 and June 2006, Kearns, going by the name of John acted as a go-between, McCaugherty, calling himself Tim, handled money and negotiated deals, and Gregory handled a Portuguese restaurant being used to raise funds for a terrorist group.

Yesterday Amir, giving evidence from behind screens, said the main aim was to befriend John and sell him cigarettes in order to gather intelligence. He told Mr Pownall, who is acting for Kearns, that he never envisaged having to give evidence in a court of law and had only agreed “under threat of arrest and the threat that my anonymity would be lifted”.

The trial continues.
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MI5 agent claims he was forced into court

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12 May 2010
The Irish News


An MI5 agent has given evidence in a Belfast court for the first time in more than 20 years. But the Security Services undercover operative giving evidence against three Co Armagh men charged in connection with a so-called dissident IRA international arms smuggling plot, says he is being forced to give evidence.

The agent, known only as Amir, claimed police told him he "had been f**ked over" by his "MI5" bosses and that he would have to sign his witness statement and give evidence at the men's Belfast Crown Court trial.

Between them the trio, Paul Anthony John McCaugherty (43) from Beech Court, Desmond Paul Kearns (44) from Tannaghmore Green, both Lurgan, and 41-year-old Dermot Declan Gregory aka Michael Dermot Gregory from Concession Road in Crossmaglen, deny a total of eight charges.

The court also heard that Amir's solicitors even tried to sue his security masters for £450,000 over the case and at one stage asked for £30,000 plus £2,500 a month.

Amir also agreed that he had hoped to get "an honour" for his work for the Security Services, but claimed it was not necessarily for this case.

Under cross-examination by Orlando Pownell QC, defending for Kearns, Amir claimed detectives told him either he sign his statement and have the protection of MI5, or he was on his own.

Amir told the the court "that wasn't a very pleasant choice" and that he was not happy about coming to Belfast to give evidence, indeed he was "extremely angry" about it.

At one stage Amir described the Security Services as "a law onto themselves", doing what they wanted and that "half the time" he did not even know what they were doing or if they were bugging him or not.

Amir told Mr Pownell that when initially approached by the PSNI he "never believed" he would have to give evidence in court.

He further agreed that during the whole of the undercover operation between August 2004 and June 2006, that whenever asked if he would be prepared to give evidence, his answer was always the same: "No".

"The message was loud and clear ... I'm not giving evidence," the lawyer said.

"Yes that's correct," the agent said.

He claimed that when he made a statement to PSNI detectives he was told it was because the prosecution "barrister wanted to study my impact in the case", and that if his role "had to be disclosed no arrests would be made and the operation concluded in a different manner".

He said that when he talked to detectives "there were papers, papers I had no idea" what they were, but they did help to provide some dates of when certain meetings had taken place.

However, again Amir agreed that when he eventually signed his statement he told detectives "this was under sufferance" as he was "really left with no choice".

But he denied that he had tried to hold his former security bosses "to ransom" by demands made by his "solicitor or those acting on your behalf". Amir also claimed that he was not aware of any actual figures involved.

He said any legal proceedings had been taken "out of principle" and rejected the suggestion it was a case of "cough up or no evidence will be given".

Amir maintained that the only reason he was in court was because he was "threatened ... with summons here and with arrest to get me here".

At hearing.
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